Showing posts with label anna papaeti. Show all posts
Showing posts with label anna papaeti. Show all posts

Thursday, August 29, 2013

review: AIRossini in berlin



AIRossini: Opera as Critical Entertainment

By Anna Papaeti & Áine Sheil

The death of opera has been pronounced and debated almost since the inception of the art form. Often criticized as a dated and costly medium, monopolizing the majority of state funding for the arts, it appears to be addressed to a small, upper middle-class, elitist and, in most cases, aging audience. This critique is one of the most serious ones faced by opera houses internationally. Despite their many (often imaginative) efforts to attract a wider public through education departments, outreach programmes and technological dissemination (for example, New York’s Metropolitan Opera’s High Definition cinema broadcasts or the Royal Opera House Covent Garden’s Big Screens in public spaces), opera audiences do not appear to be changing significantly in profile.[1] Except in cases where opera houses are heavily subsidized by taxpayers, operatic repertory is essentially focused on popular composers of the canon such as Puccini, Verdi, Mozart and Rossini; Wagner remains for the most part the reserve of larger, better-resourced companies. Although the rise of so-called director’s opera, inspired by Regietheater, has led to more complex and critical opera stagings in continental Europe and to a lesser degree in the UK, many companies shy away from overtly political productions, perhaps for fear of alienating patrons and harming box office returns. The Metropolitan Opera’s recent staging of Wagner’s Der Ring des Nibelungen is telling. Employing an impressive array of new staging technologies, its director, the renowned Robert Lepage, disappointingly chose to convey Wagner’s story in a literal, one-dimensional fashion, minimizing the multi-layered political, social and historical aspects of the work. In effect, this production became part of the culinary culture with which Bertolt Brecht famously associated opera in his essay ‘The Modern Theatre is the Epic Theatre’, written in 1930. For Brecht, opera as an ‘apparatus’ of entertainment establishes an attitude in the spectator that is uncritical and ill-suited to reflection on social and political issues of the day. Its ‘culinary’ aspect leads to an enjoyable intoxication, mainly aimed at pleasure, entertainment and illusion – a criticism he mounted in particular against Wagner’s music drama and the fusion of the arts (Gesamtkunstwerk).[2]


A recent Greek-German collaboration between The Beggars’ Operas, Athens, and Neuköllner Oper, Berlin, brings back to the fore the question of opera’s relevance as a forum for critique, political intervention and debate. Although perhaps not strictly Brechtian, the two productions that have stemmed from this fruitful collaboration have put contemporary politics on stage, clearly taking on board Brecht’s critique of opera. Politics are not staged in the usual manner of a shallow reading of a work, highlighting obvious (often historical) political dimensions. On the contrary, urgent contemporary politics pervade the very core of the two productions undertaken so far, namely Yasou Aida! (2012) and AIRossini (2013). In both cases, Alexandros Efklidis (director), Kharálampos Goyós (composer) and Dimitris Dimopoulos (writer) have used certain core elements of old works, on which they have built a new contemporary story. Musically the works are adjusted for a small stage and a very small orchestra.  In the case of Yasou Aida!, the music of Verdi’s Aida was used along with the opera’s colonial discourse to form the basis of a contemporary story about the economic neocolonializing policies in Europe and the crude national stereotypes stemming from the Greek economic crisis in the era of austerity. It received both box-office and critical acclaim. Glowing media responses were not restricted to cultural columns and were not solely published and broadcast in Germany and Greece (where it was staged), but also appeared in the international media (e.g. BBC News).

Wednesday, September 1, 2010

postcard from cyprus


Κάτω η Χούντα (Káto e Hoúnta: "Down with the Junta").

Still legible on a wall in the village of Kritou Terra, Pafos district: graffiti from the Spring or early Summer of 1974 - from the time between Ioannidis's 'coup within a coup' in Greece and the 15 July coup against Makarios in Cyprus.

Between the lines: After the student uprising in Greece was crushed by tanks at the Polytechnic University in Athens on 17 November 1973, splits within the military leadership came to a head. Papadopoulos was ousted by the hardliner Ioannidis. Under Ioannidis, the Greek Junta stepped up its campaign against Makarios, the elected President of the Cyprus Republic. Makarios, one of the two main leaders of the national liberation struggle against the British during the 1950s, had accepted the compromised sovereignty imposed on the new Republic, but continued to work diplomatically for the conditions of full Cypriot sovereignty. His strategy included an independent foreign policy that refused to subordinate Cyprus to US and British Cold War politics. (His independent diplomacy and participation in the Non-Aligned Movement led US critics to smear him as "the Castro of the Mediterranean.")

The Junta in power in Greece since the 1967 coup actively sought to replace Makarios with a more pliable figure. It encouraged ultra-nationalists in Cyprus to revive the goal of enosis, or union with Greece, and sponsored the right-wing paramilitary group EOKA-B. Several attempts were made to assassinate Makarios. By Spring of 1974, with Ioannidis in power in Greece, Makarios's intelligence service uncovered evidence of an impending coup. On 2 July, Makarios published an open letter to the Greek Junta, protesting their interference. The reply came on 15 July, when Greek officers of the Cypriot National Guard launched a full attack on the presidential palace. Makarios escaped, but had to flee the island, and ultra right-wing trigger-man Nikos Sampson was installed as interim leader. Five days later, Turkey invaded Cyprus.

Behind the scenes: US imperialism. In the distracting confusion of Watergate and Nixon's fall, Kissinger gained a freer hand to shape and micromanage US foreign policy. He used the agencies of US power to push the crisis between Makarios and the Greek Junta toward an outcome that would maintain Cyprus as a NATO force platform. This entailed eliminating Makarios, but also containing the conflict without a war between Greece and Turkey. The forced partition of the island under Turkish arms would accomplish this, as long as US acceptance was clearly signaled. The self-styled Metternich struck again. And Cypriot aspirations to self-determination were once again brutally subordinated to the Cold War calculus. In the aftermath of spilled blood, occupation and forced removals, Turkey was appeased, Greece was disciplined without conceding "too much" democracy, and  British military bases and US spy stations continued to operate.

The graffiti probably dates from between Makarios's public letter of 2 July and the coup thirteen days later. The village of Kritou Terra, we're told, was a stronghold of Makarios supporters - center-nationalist rather than leftist, but pro-democracy and anti-Junta.

AP/GR